The paper offers a novel analysis of deverbal, copulaless predicative forms derived with the suffix -(e)mi̮n in Udmurt. These have commonly been referred to as resultative participles in the literature, but have also been analysed as predicates of passive constructions and as perfects. The main question was whether a uniform analysis can be provided. The objective was to investigate whether -(e)mi̮n constructions show the same behaviour in 19th century folklore data and in contemporary corpus data. Results show that while all examples in the old data can be analysed as resultatives, -(e)mi̮n constructions have a heterogeneous use in contemporary Udmurt: the resultative use prevails, but some instances can be analysed as actional passives, others as perfects and still others as past tense forms. I argue that diachronically, the primary function of -(e)mi̮n forms was the expression of resultativity, and the synchronic heterogeneity is the reflection of two ongoing and typologically common grammaticalization processes: resultative > passive and resultative > perfect > past tense.
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