1. Valdez del Alamo, E., Pendergast, C. S. Introduction. – In: Memory and the Medieval Tomb. Eds E. Valdez del Alamo, C. S. Pendergast. Ashgate, Aldershot, 2000, 1.

2. Oexle, O. G. Memoria als Kultur. – In: Memoria als Kultur. Ed. O. G. Oexle. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1995, 39; Bueren, T. van, Weijert, R. de. Medieval Memoria Online (MeMO): New Research Possibilities. http://memo.hum.uu.nl/pdf/MeMO_project-plan.pdf, 3. [Accessed 10.09.2011].

3. Oexle, O. G. Memoria und Memorialbild. – In: Memoria. Der geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter. Eds K. Schmid, J. Wollasch. Fink, München, 1984, 384–440; Oexle, O. G. Memoria in der Gesellschaft und in der Kultur des Mittelalters. – In: Modernes Mittelalter. Neue Bilder einer populären Epoche. Ed. J. Heinzle. Insel Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1994, 297–323; Memoria in der Gesellschaft des Mittelalters. Eds D. Geuenich, O. G. Oexle. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1994.

4. See http://memo.hum.uu.nl/pdf/MeMO_project-plan.pdf.

5. Valdez del Alamo, E., Pendergast, C. S. Introduction, 1–4.

6. For example: Care for the Here and the Hereafter: Memoria, Art and Ritual in the Middle Ages. Eds T. van Bueren, A. van Leerdam. Brepols, Turnhout, 2005; Memory and Commemoration in Medieval England. Eds C. M. Barron, C. Burgess. (Harlaxton Medieval Studies, XX.) Shaun Tyas, Donington, 2010; Harris, B. J. The Fabric of Piety: Aristocratic Women and Care of the Dead, 1450–1550. – Journal of British Studies, 2009, 48, 308–335; Saul, N. English Church Monuments in the Middle Ages. History and Representation. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2009.

7. Levans, A. Die lebendigen Toten. Memoria in der Kanzlei der Erzbischöfe von Riga im Spätmittelalter. – In: Kollektivität und Individualität. Der Mensch im östlichen Europa. Festschrift für Prof. Dr. Norbert Angermann zum 65. Geburtstag. Eds K. Brüggemann, T. M. Bohn, K. Maier. Verlag Dr. Kovač, Hamburg, 2001, 3–35; Strenga, G. “Bidden vor myner sele”. The Dominicans as Intercessors between Townspeople and God in Late Medieval Reval. – Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU, 2007, 13, 111–132; Strenga, G. Piemiņa un atmiņa: divas parādības vēlo viduslaiku Livonijas religiskajā un laicīgajā dzīvē. – Latvijas Universitātes Raksti/Scientific Papers, University of Latvia, 2009, 725, 58–70.

8. Female piety and donations by women will be discussed in more detail in another article of mine, “Gender, Memoria and Sacred Art”, to be published in the proceedings of the conference “Art and Ritual in Late Medieval and Early Modern Northern and Central Europe”, which took place 1–3 Sept. 2011 in Tallinn.

9. The discussion excludes tombstones because there is a comparatively recent M. A. thesis on them, published in 2006: Loit, M. Keskaegsest surmakultuurist ja hauatähistest reformatsioonieelse Tallinna kirikutes ja kloostrites. – In: Vana Tallinn XVII (XXI). Ed. R. Pullat. Estopol, Tallinn, 2006, 13–190.

10. Le Goff, J. The Birth of Purgatory. Scolar Press, Aldershot, 1990, 4–5, 11–12, 154–159, 237, 283–286, 362–366; Binski, P. Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation. British Museum Press, London, 1996, 25–26.

11. This guild consisted predominantly of more substantial merchants of German origin, involved in wholesale and long-distance trade. There were also a few representatives of other ranks and occupations, such as town scribes. See Mänd, A. Suurgildi teke, põhikiri ja liikmeskond. – In: Leimus, I. et al. Tallinna Suurgild ja gildimaja. Eesti Ajaloomuuseum, Tallinn, 2011, 34–46.

12. Guild sisters were the wives and widows of guild brothers.

13. Nottbeck, E. v. Die alten Schragen der Grossen Gilde zu Reval. Kluge & Ströhm, Reval, 1885, 43, § 26–27, 44, § 35; for details, see Mänd, A. Matused ja surnute mälestamine. – In: Leimus, I. et al. Tallinna Suurgild, 92.

14. Nottbeck, E. v. Die alten Schragen, 43, § 26–27, § 30; Staatsarchiv Hamburg, B. 612-2/6, Nr. E 1, fol. 12v (1426): de swarten houede ze tugheden do en gulden stuckke tho em boeldeke; Stillmark, F. Der älteste Schragen der Dom- oder Mariengilde zu Reval. – In: Beiträge zur Kunde Estlands, Bd. 18. Kluge, Reval, 1932, 40, § 25; for the major associations in Riga, see Stieda, W., Mettig, C. Schragen der Gilden und Aemter der Stadt Riga bis 1621. Häcker, Riga, 1896, 318, § 52, 662, § 6; Mänd, A. Kirikute hõbevara: altaririistad keskaegsel Liivimaal. Muinsuskaitseamet, Tallinn, 2008, 198, § 11, 200.

15. Nottbeck, E. v. Die alten Schragen, 43, § 30.

16. Mänd, A. Altarid, missad ja hingepalved. – In: Leimus, I. et al. Tallinna Suurgild, 82–83.

17. Nottbeck, E. v. Die alten Schragen, 43, § 31.

18. Tallinn City Archives (Est. Tallinna Linnaarhiiv, hereafter TLA), collection (coll.) 230, list (l.) 1, no. Aa 35b, fol. 39r. See also Kala, T. Ludeke Karwel, kogudusevaimulik. – In: Kala, T., Kreem, J., Mänd, A. Kümme keskaegset tallinlast. Argo, Tallinn, 2006, 173.

19. Mänd, A. Altarid, missad ja hingepalved, 81–85.

20. Nottbeck, E. v. Die alten Schragen, 68, § 3, 71, § 5–7.

21. Ibid., 66, § 18.

22. TLA, coll. 191, l. 1, no. 193, fol. 2r.

23. Stieda, W., Mettig, C. Schragen, 318–319, § 52–53.

24. Ibid., 661–662, § 6, § 10.

25. Ibid., 553, § 27: Item so scal men deme kerkheren geven veer ore vor vigilien unde veer ore deme kerkheren to denkende der swarten hovede alle sundage van deme predykstole.

26. Ibid., 318, § 52: ...unde don unsen vorvaren also na, also hee wolde, dat men eme dede na sineme dode.

27. Ibid., 553, § 25–26.

28. Ibid., 615, § 169, § 174.

29. Mänd, A. Urban Carnival. Festive Culture in the Hanseatic Cities of the Eastern Baltic, 1350–1550. Brepols, Turnhout, 2005, 65, 294, § 61.

30. Liv-, Est- und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, Bd. 9. Ed. H. Hildebrand. Deubner, Riga, 1889, no. 696, § 10.

31. Mänd, A. Altarid, missad ja hingepalved, 83.

32. Nottbeck, E. v. Die alten Schragen, 66, § 14.

33. Ibid., 50, § 80, 71, § 14; Stieda, W., Mettig, C. Schragen, 662–663, § 13 (1425): Each member had to pay one artig for every deceased brother and sister.

34. Liv-, Est- und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, Bd. 11. Ed. P. Schwartz. Deubner, Riga, 1905, no. 524; Kala, T. Ludeke Karwel, 175.

35. Stieda, W., Mettig, C. Schragen, 662–663, § 13.

36. TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 20v–72r. In 1522 and 1524, the deceased were also recorded in the account book of the warden of the Table Guild (TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 3, fol. 30r, 37v).

37. Mänd, A. Matused ja surnute mälestamine, 94.

38. Ibid.; TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 31r.

39. Mänd, A. Tallinna Kanuti gild ja selle oldermannid keskajal. – In: Modus vivendi II. Vana Tallinn XVI (XX). Ed. R. Pullat. Estopol, Tallinn, 2005, 139.

40. For details, see Mänd, A. The altarpiece of the Virgin Mary of the Brotherhood of the Black Heads in Tallinn: dating, donors, and the double intercession. – Acta Historiae Artium Balticae, 2007, 2, 35–53.

41. For this iconographic theme and for its source, the Speculum Humanae Salvationis, see ibid., 48–52.

42. For details, see Binski, P. Medieval Death, 139–152; King, P. ‘My image to be made all naked’: cadaver tombs and the commemoration of women in fifteenth-century England. – The Ricardian. Journal of the Richard III Society, 2003, 13, 294–295; see also Loit, M. Keskaegsest surma­kultuurist, 131–135.

43. Nottbeck, E. v. Revals alte Schaffer-Poesie und Reime. – Beiträge zur Kunde Ehst-, Liv- und Kurlands, 1900, 5, 393; Loit, M. Keskaegsest surmakultuurist, 136.

44. The year 1513, mentioned at the end of the text, refers to the commission of the cenotaph, not to its completion or to the death of the donor. There is also another date, 1514, carved above the door in the scene of Christ’s entry into Jerusalem.

45. [No author]. Denkmale gemeinnützigen Bürgersinns in Reval im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. – Das Inland, 1844, 22, 341; see also Karling, S. Die Marienkapelle an der Olaikirche und ihr Bildwerk. – Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi Aastaraamat 1935. Tartu, 1937, 105.

46. TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 19v, 32v.

47. Das Revaler Bürgerbuch 1409–1624 (hereafter Bürgerbuch). Ed. O. Greiffenhagen. Revaler Estn. Verlagsgenossenschaft, Reval, 1932, 28.

48. TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 34r.

49. TLA, coll. 87, l. 1, no. 20, pag. 301, 330.

50. TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 47v.

51. In the real estate book of the town, the house was listed in Pawel’s name in 1494 (TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 35b, fol. 56r); however, the date 1493 was carved into the portal. The door-side stones (Beischlagsteine) of this house, representing the Virgin Mary as the apocalyptic Madonna (standing on a crescent moon and surrounded by sunbeams) and St George, were drawn by the Danish artist S. Abildgaard in 1754 (Kangropool, R. Tallinna hilisgooti etikukividest. – In: Vana Tallinn IV (VIII). Ed. R. Pullat. Estopol, Tallinn, 1994, 7, fig. 1). The depiction of the Virgin Mary in front of the house is, in addition to the chapel, another manifestation of Pawel’s devotion to the saint.

52. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 35b, fol. 88r. This house is situated behind the house at Pikk Street 35. In 1523, both houses were delivered to the merchant Alert Drekop, who married the widow of Hans Pawels.

53. Bürgerbuch, 36.

54. TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 15, pag. 33, 49.

55. Records with his hand-writing survive from 1513 (TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 245, fol. 1r). The church had two wardens, one of them usually a town councilor, the other a worthy representative of the community. According to Kuujo, Pawels’s partner was first Hinrik Dellinkhusen (until 1514), and later the councilor Ewert Hessels (1514–17): Kuujo, E. O. Die rechtliche und wirt­schaftliche Stellung der Pfarrkirchen in Alt-Livland. Suomalainen tiedeakatemia, Helsinki, 1953, 187. However, Hessels was in office until June 1526, when Hans Selhorst and Jurgen Gellinkhusen were elected as new wardens (Aa 245, fol. 43v). Selhorst had already been a warden of this church from 1519 to 1523, taking the accounts over from Pawels’s widow in March 1520 (ibid., fol. 38v), but in 1521 he was elected an alderman of the Great Guild, in 1523 a warden of the New Hospital, and in 1524 a town councilor; thus, he presumably had to give up his post at the parish church because of too many obligations.

56. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Ad 32, fol. 20r (27.10.1509), 55v (18.02.1514).

57. Derrik, T. Das Bruderbuch der Revaler Tafelgilde (1364–1549). Mikrofiche-Ausgabe, Tectum Verlag, Marburg, 2000, 409; Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Beziehungen der Städte Deutschlands zu Reval in den Jahren 1500–1807. Revaler Regesten [I]. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1966, 59, no. 61a.

58. TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 15, pag. 99. His last records in the account book of St Olaf’s Church are dated 2 February 1519 (TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 245, fol. 36r–36v).

59. TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 58v.

60. Denkmale gemeinnützigen Bürgersinns, 341. His tombstone has not been preserved and there is no information about what it looked like. Based on the ground plan by Heinrich Julius Woltemat (1691), the baptismal font stood in the south-west corner of the church; see Kurisoo, M. Ristimise läte. Ristimiskivid keskaegsel Liivimaal. Muinsuskaitseamet, Tallinn, 2009, 34, fig. 20.

61. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Ad 14, fol. 1r (1437): It. gegeuen der vrowen de vnser vrowen cappelle vorwart vor er loen – 5 mr. See also fol. 1v.

62. Liv-, Est- und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch. Abt. 2, Bd. 3. Ed. L. Arbusow. J. Deubner, Riga, 1914, no. 603. One hundred days of indulgence was quite a high number; usually, 40 days was granted for similar purposes.

63. For the social career of these men, see Derrik, T. Bruderbuch, 321–322, 355; Mänd, A. Suur­gildi teke, põhikiri ja liikmeskond, 22–23.

64. The confraternity is also referred to in two wills from 1510 and 1512 (Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Testamente Revaler Bürger und Einwohner aus den Jahren 1369 bis 1851. Revaler Regesten III. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1975, no. 96, no. 110), and in the accounts of St Olaf’s Church from 1517 (TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 245, fol. 26v; Kala, T. Keskaegse Tallinna väike­korporatsioonid ja nende usuelu normatiivsed vormid. – Tuna, 2010, 2, 20).

65. For the building of the chapel, see Karling, S. Marienkapelle, 106–109; Kangropool, R., Lumiste, M. Mõningatest Tallinna 15. sajandi arhitektuuri dateerimise küsimustest. (Töid kunsti­teaduse ja kriitika alalt, 2.) Kunst, Tallinn, 1978, 269.

66. This year has been deduced from a will of 1512, in which 200 marks were bequeathed for the construction of the chapel (Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Testamente, no. 110; Hans Pawels was one of the executors). The accounts have been preserved, as mentioned above, from 1513.

67. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 245, fol. 4r, 8v, 9v, and several other records. Hinrick van der Borch died in Tallinn by the beginning of 1520 (Ibid., fol. 38v).

68. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 245, fol. 40v; Kangropool, R., Lumiste, M. Mõningatest Tallinna, 269.

69. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. BN 1, Hans Hosserink (1521). Hosserink bequeathed his silver rosary and gilded mussel shell of St James [the Greater] to the statue of the Virgin Mary in the chapel. This will also reveals that the statue was carried in processions.

70. On him, see Michel Sittow 1469–1525. The Artist Connecting Estonia with the Southern Netherlands. Ed. T. Abel. Eesti Kunstimuuseum, Tallinn, 2001.

71. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 245, fol. 41v: It. gegeuen vor de rosen to sniden de 12 de vnder deme welte stat 30 mr. Ao 23 gegeuen mester Mychel vor de 12 rosen to bereden vnd to vorgulden vnd vor it kruse op der kappellen, haen vnd stagen to vorguldede is 48 mr. Nowadays, one can also see exactly twelve rose-shaped bosses in the ceiling of the chapel, but they appear to be carved from stone.

72. Ibid., fol. 44v.

73. Mänd, A. On two medieval seal matrices and the guild seals from Tallinn. – Baltic Journal of Art History, Spring 2010, 135–136.

74. It is not the purpose of this article to discuss the donations of objects and the endowments of chantries to the new chapel immediately after the construction work. It is enough to mention that the donors included some very important people, e.g. Jurgen Bardin, a canon in Saare-Lääne and Tallinn bishoprics, who in 1522 founded a perpetual chantry in honor of the Annunciation of the Virgin (the mass had to be sung each Wednesday). TLA, coll. 230, l. 1-I, no. 963.

75. Karling suggests that Hinrik Bildensnider was the chief author of the cenotaph and that he was identical with the famous master Hinrik Brabender from Münster (Karling, S. Marienkapelle, 127, 149–151, 158–159), but Loit in her M.A. thesis convincingly argues that they were two different people, that Brabender was never in Tallinn, and that it was Clemens Pale who was the leading sculptor of the cenotaph (Loit, M. Keskaegsest surmakultuurist, 120–128).

76. Loit, M. Hans Pawelsi kenotaaf (1513–1516) hiliskeskaegsel macabre’i maastikul. – Kunsti­teaduslikke Uurimusi, 2002, 11, figs 3–19.

77. For details, see Mänd, A. Hans Bouwer, kaupmees. – In: Kümme keskaegset tallinlast. Argo, Tallinn, 2006, 84–86; see also the summary of Bouwer’s testament: Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Testamente, 120–123, no. 118.

78. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. BN 1, H. Meckinck: It. so geue ick tho sunte Gertrut tho mynen apostel sunte Mathias tho der beluchtynge 10 marck rig. Hans Meckynck became a member of the Great Guild in 1487 (TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 45r).

79. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. BN 1, H. Lange: vnseme hilgen patrone sunte Nicolaus. See also Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Testamente, 101, no. 91. Hans Lange was admitted to the Great Guild in 1483 (TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 42v).

80. Hennink Passow (also Parssow) was a Danish vassal, formerly in the service of the Teutonic Order; he was the lord of the Lagedi and Kolga manors, who also owned real estate in Tallinn, including a house on Pikk Street. From 1515, he was a member of the Great Guild in Tallinn: Mänd, A. Suurgildi teke, põhikiri ja liikmeskond, 38.

81. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. BN 1, H. Parssow: dat de hilghe her sunte Olaf ghot vor my bidden mach. See also Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Testamente, 116–117, no. 113.

82. E.g. Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Testamente, 63, no. 38, 70–71, no. 50, 98–99, no. 87.

83. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. BN 1, E. Triss; Seeberg-Elverfeldt, R. Testamente, 111, no. 106.

84. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. BN 1, E. Triss: ick Elizabet Wilhelm Triszes nagelatene husfrouwe. Wilhelm Triss became a burgher in 1496 and a member of the Great Guild in 1498 (Bürgerbuch, 37; TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 50v). His date of death and burial place are not known. He must have died before 1509, as he is not mentioned among the participants of the Shrovetide drunke of the Great Guild in that year (TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 15, pag. 6–7).

85. Item so geue ik tom hilgen geiste vnser leuen vrouwen to eren myne groteste sulueren drynckschalle vnde myn sulueren pater noster vnde myne rockschalen van eynem rocke.

86. It. so geue ik vnser leuen vrouwen to Sunte Nicolaws vp des Olden cruces altare myne anderen rockschalen to eynem rocke behorende.

87. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 35b, fol. 305r (1472): smede vicarie to dem olden cruce to sunte nicolaus als men gheit na der cleynen doer; no. Bl 7-I, fol. 24r (1527): der Smedevicarie thom olden kruße yn S. Clawes kercke na der klenen dore bolegen; no. Aa 15a (1525–27), fol. 23r: Vp der Smede althar by der geruekamer; Mänd, A. Kirikute hõbevara, 50, 142, note 62. This altar is not to be confused with the altar of the Cross of Lucca, situated in the chapel of St Barbara (later known as the Small chapel), nor with the altar of the New Cross, or Lore’s Cross. See also the article by K. Markus and K. Tooming in this volume. There was, apparently, even a fourth Holy Cross altar in the church, because the ellende cross, which is mentioned in sources from 1420 to 1474, was in 1464 described as “near the baptismal font” (Das Revaler Pergament Rentenbuch 1382–1518. Ed. A. Plaesterer. Revaler Estn. Verlagsgenossenschaft, Reval, 1930, no. 1053), and the baptismal font was situated in the west end of the church (Kurisoo, M. Ristimise läte, 34).

88. Item ik geue vnser leuen vrouwen to Sunte Nicolaws to deme bilde by deme kore myn sulueren gordel.

89. The feast of the Compassion, or the Seven Sorrows of the Blessed Virgin Mary, was, before the 16th century, limited to the dioceses of northern Germany, Scandinavia and Scotland. It was held on a great variety of dates, mostly during Eastertide or Pentecost (e.g. Lübeck 1479: Friday before Pentecost; Magdeburg: Exaudi), or on some fixed day (18 July, Merseburg; 19 July, Lübeck, Halberstadt and Meissen; 20 July, Naumburg); see Grotefend, H. Zeitrechnung des Deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, Bd. 1. Hahn’sche Buchhandlung, Hannover, 1891,
26–27. In the Diocese of Riga, the feast was celebrated on the Friday after Quasimodogeniti (Bruiningk, H. Messe und kanonisches Stundengebet nach dem Brauche der Rigaschen Kirche im späteren Mittelalter. Nicolai Kymmel, Riga, 1904, 196). It is not known if Tallinn followed the tradition of Riga or Lübeck.

90. Item ik geue to vnszer leuen vrouwen bilde vp her Heiszen altare in de ere medelynghe Marien 6 sulueren knope. It is likely that the statue represented the Virgin as Mater Dolorosa (perhaps with seven swords in her heart) or the Pietà. See, e.g. Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie. Bd. 3. Ed. E. Kirschbaum, G. Bandmann. Herder, Rom, 1994, 197.

91. Kala, T. Tallinna raad ja katoliku kirik reformatsiooni algaastail. – In: Muinasaja loojangust omariikluse läveni. Pühendusteos Sulev Vahtre 75. sünnipäevaks. Comp. A. Andresen. Sihtasutus Kleio, Tartu, 2001, 158, 168 (fol. 20v).

92. This altar of St Canute’s Guild was sometimes referred to in sources as the altar of the Virgin Mary and sometimes as that of St Canute. It seems likely that the confusion was caused by the fact that the altar was adorned with a statue of the Virgin. The altar was located in front of the pews of the Black Heads. For details, see Mänd, A. Tallinna Kanuti gild, 134–136. In the ground plan from 1691, made by H. J. Woltemat, the Black Heads’ pews are marked in the west end of the northern aisle, but this does not necessarily mean that they were in the same place in the Middle Ages.

93. It. ick geue to vnser leuen vrouwen bilde vp sunte Kanutes altare viff sulueren knope, 1 sulueren crucze vnde eyn beneget taffellaken.

94. It. ick geue vnde beschede vnser leuen vrouwen to Sunte Olaue eyne sulueren drynckschale van den cleynsteyn.

95. Item den predikern broderen geue ik in de ere Sunte Katherinen myn krallen pater noster vnde vif kogelknop der kleynen Marien darsulues. Item 2 gildekannen. She donated two other guild tankards to the Birgittines (Item to Sunte Birgitten geue ik 2 grote gilde kannen).

96. See Hahn, K.-R. Revaler Testamente im 15.–16. Jahrhundert. Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis. Georg-August-Universität, Göttingen, 2008, 1, 409–410.

97. Item ik geue vnde beschede den gemeynen presteren to Sunte Nicolaws intsament 33 mrk. rig., dar van to makende ewige rente 2 mr. alle iar iarliks vnde dar vor to holdende na guder older gewonheit alle iar eyns in allen tokomenden tyden vp den dach myner vorschedynghe eyn gedechtnisse mit vigilien vnde zelemissen to salicheit myner vnde myner leuen frunde zelen.

98. Schiller, K., Lübben, A. Mittelniederdeutsches Wörterbuch, Bd. 5. J. Kühtmann’s Buchhandlung, Bremen, 1880, 545–546.

99. Arndt became a burgher in 1508 (Bürgerbuch, 40) and was dead by Easter 1511 (TLA, coll. 191, l. 2, no. 1, fol. 57r).

100. Hahn, K.-R. Revaler Testamente, 1, 411.

101. Wrangell, G. v. Geschichte der Wrangel zur dänischen und Ordenszeit. Görlitz, Dorpat, [1927], 1, 48, no. 158, 54, no. 190; 2, 255–256. Gertrud was a daughter of Wolmar Wrangel, the owner of the Tuhala (Toal), Seli (Selligel) and Roela (Rojel) manors. Jacob Deken was the owner of the manors of Harmi (Harm) and Uuemõisa (Neuenhof) in Harjumaa (Harrien). Gertrud owned the Kuusiku (Sage) manor until 1496, when ownership passed to her brother Jürgen.

102. TLA, coll. 230, l. 1, no. Aa 11, fol. 39v. This record bears no date, but a record on fol. 39r is dated March 1511. Cf. Kala, T. Ludeke Karwel, 174.

103. The initial formulation mentioned 1100 marks, but this was later crossed out. At the end of the document, it was added that if the lady ever became impoverished, “which may God prevent”, the wardens would return some of the money.

104. All of the extant tombstones in Tallinn are made of limestone. Gertrud could perhaps have seen or heard of brass tombstones in Lübeck or in other German towns (Loit, M. Keskaegsest surma­kultuurist, 70).

105. The pew itself, nowadays situated in the chancel, is much newer; the side support of 1513 is incorporated into it.

106. Nilsén, A. Focal Point of the Sacred Space. The Boundary between Chancel and Nave in Swedish Rural Churches. Uppsala Universitet, Uppsala, 2003, 127.

107. The space before the first niche in the wall is approx. 150 ´ 118 cm, which is enough for a mensa. The niche in the wall is 70 cm deep, about 220 cm wide, and about 243 cm high (measured from the present floor). The niche may have been used for a pew.

108. Pergament Rentenbuch, 14, no. 55 (1396), 25, no. 96 (1387).

109. Kala, T. Ludeke Karwel, 170; see also the numerous records (c. 30) in the account books of the town: Kämmereibuch der Stadt Reval 1432–1463, Kämmereibuch der Stadt Reval 1463–1507. Ed. R. Vogelsang. Böhlau, Köln, 1976, 1983.

110. Mänd, A. Altarid, missad ja hingepalved, 83.

111. Wrangell, G. v. Geschichte der Wrangel, 1, 73, no. 312, 97, no. 439; 2, 255–256.